Left: Amira Hass of Haaretz
Haaretz has been caught again, manufacturing news to damage Israel, and materially supporting Israeli traitors. If Haaretz didn’t make up Israeli misdeeds to send out to the far left and Arab anti-semites, it would be out of business, since the truth doesn’t support their views and aims.
The false story about “expulsion orders” was regurgitated again at UNM during Gil Hoffman’s talk on April 15, 2010. For the anti-Israel left, truth has no bearing on the subject at hand. Lies and propaganda are far more useful than truth when you want to destroy a nation because of its ethnicity.
by Caroline Glick (originally published in the Jerusalem Post)
Over the past two weeks Israel has been rocked by a major espionage scandal in which the Haaretz newspaper plays a central role. To understand the significance of the scandal, it is worthwhile to preface a discussion of it with a look at a smaller story Haaretz developed this week.
On Sunday, Haaretz’s Amira Hass reported that in January, the IDF published a new military order that paves the way for the mass expulsion of illegal aliens from Judea and Samaria. The story sported the disturbing headline, “IDF order will enable mass deportation from West Bank.”
In a follow-up on Monday, Hass reported that 10 self-described human rights organizations (all funded by the New Israel Fund) sent a joint letter to Defense Minister Ehud Barak asking him to rescind the order. She noted, too, that, “the international media also has taken great interest in the story.”
And indeed, on Wednesday, a Google news search for “IDF West Bank deportation order” drew nearly 20,000 results.
Also on Monday, Haaretz published an editorial based on Hass’s stories. Titled, “IDF bid to expel West Bank Palestinians is a step too far,” the editorial asserted, “Implementing this new military order is not only likely to spark a new conflagration in the territories, it is liable to give the world clear-cut proof that Israel’s aim is a mass deportation of Palestinians from the West Bank.”
That is, Israel is fomenting a war and Israel deserves to lose that war because it is the villain.
On Wednesday, Haaretz reported that Jordan had joined it in condemning Israel.
That’s quite an accomplishment for an Israeli newspaper with a negligible share of the domestic market.
The only problem is that the order Hass reported on is 41 years old. After creating an international scandal, on Wednesday Haaretz acknowledged that the supposedly new order has been in place since 1969. What changed in January is that the IDF decided to expand the rights of illegal aliens in Judea and Samaria to pre-deportation hearings.
This was not a change for the worse in the status of illegal residents. It was a change for the better.
And still, due to Haaretz’s misreporting, Israeli diplomats are being called into the chanceries of the world and raked over the coals for the country’s alleged plot to conduct a mass expulsion of Palestinians.
Haaretz accomplished two things with this story. It weakened Israel abroad, which clearly serves its ideological purposes. And it demonstrated its enormous power to damage Israel’s international image at will, which of course puts Israel’s law enforcement and judicial arms on notice as they prosecute and adjudicate the Haaretz spy scandal.
HAARETZ’S MANIPULATION of the deportation story bears a striking similarity to the way it manipulated its own spy scandal. That scandal was under a total court-issued gag order that barred the local media from reporting on it until last Thursday.
That gag order gave Haaretz the opportunity to manipulate the story to its advantage before the state authorities had a chance to explain what it was about. And so, early last week, Haaretz editor Dov Alfon approached credulous foreign journalists and spun a tale. By Alfon’s telling, Israel’s draconian Shin Bet security agency had “disappeared” one reporter – Anat Kamm – and caused another – Uri Blau – to flee the country.
As Judith Miller put it in her write-up of Haaretz’s version of events in “The Daily Beast” Web site, Blau was on the lam in London, “to avoid answering questions about how and from whom he obtained the confidential defense department documents that are said to have resulted in a spate of stories alleging personal and institutional misconduct on the part of the Israeli Defense Forces, the hallowed IDF, and some of its senior officials.”
As for Kamm, Miller reported that she was suspected of stealing up to 1,000 documents from the IDF during her military service and giving them to Blau. But, Miller claimed, she denied the allegations.
Miller, like other journalists who spoke to Alfon, compared Israel to the likes of Cuba and Iran. Alfon and Haaretz were portrayed as the courageous defenders of freedom of speech and the true watchdogs of Israeli democracy, selflessly paying the expenses of their persecuted reporter hiding away in London.
All of this, of course, was reported abroad, before the actual story was published. And, like the deportation order story, all of it was hogwash.
When the gag order was revoked last Thursday, Israelis – and any foreigners who were interested – learned that Anat Kamm, a reporter hired by the Walla Web portal when it was partly owned by Haaretz, had been under house arrest for four months. She is on trial for acts of espionage with the intent of harming national security that she committed not as a reporter, but during her service in the IDF. Not only did she not disappear, she continued reporting for Walla, while under house arrest until the end of March.
Haaretz staff reporter Uri Blau fled the country not to protect a source, but to evade punishment for possessing classified military documents in breach not only of the law but of a plea bargain agreement with the Shin Bet.
Kamm served in the IDF from 2005 to 2007 as a secretary in the office of the commander of Central Command. In the weeks before her release from service, she copied about 2,000 highly classified IDF documents onto two CDs and uploaded them to her home computer. After her release, she shopped the documents around to various military reporters and eventually gave them to Blau. The documents she stole included top-secret information about IDF orders of battle, units, armaments and operational orders. Such information in the hands of Israel’s enemies could cause the death of thousands of Israeli soldiers and civilians.
Kamm refuses to return one of the CDs to authorities, claiming that she lost it. And since until her arrest her home computer was connected to the Internet, the documents she downloaded to her hard drive were vulnerable to penetration by everyone and anyone.
The Shin Bet launched its investigation of stolen IDF documents, which led it to Blau and then to Kamm after Blau published articles in November 2008 based on the documents he received from Kamm. At the time, the Shin Bet asked that Blau return all the classified documents in his possession. In return for his agreement to do so, the Shin Bet agreed not to prosecute him for illegally possessing classified materials. Blau returned 50 such documents and asserted that he had no more documents in his possession.
But then the Shin Bet found Kamm. And after confessing to stealing the 2,000 documents, she told them that she gave them all to Blau. When Blau found out that the Shin Bet knew he lied, and still illegally possesses thousands of classified documents, he decided not to return to Israel.
The gag order on the case until last Thursday was issued by the court at the Shin Bet’s request, not because it wished to stifle free speech, but because authorities wanted to give Blau more time to agree to return the documents he still holds illegally. That is, publication of the story was barred in order to give Blau another opportunity to come clean and walk free.
And it was with the knowledge that their reporter lied to the Shin Bet and fled the country that Haaretz chose to pay his living expenses in London and his legal expenses in Israel. It was with the knowledge that Kamm committed treason that Haaretz hired her as a reporter for Walla and represented her as a persecuted journalist to the international press.
In her statements during her investigation published in court documents, Kamm revealed that she is a messianic leftist. She came to the army not to serve the country, but to transform it. It was only when she realized that she had failed to bend the IDF to her will that she decided to reveal its secrets.
As she put it, “I didn’t succeed in changing enough things that it was important to me to change during my army service, and I thought that I would bring about that change by exposing them. That’s why it was important to me to inform the public about the IDF’s policies in the territories.”
KAMM’S TREACHERY is a deeply disturbing comment on the mindset of the radical Left in Israel. But her crimes are even more alarming when we realize that Kamm is not a lone renegade. In her treasonous activities, she enjoys the support of a massive organization.
By collaborating with Kamm first by publishing her stolen documents and hiring her as a reporter, and finally by covering up her crimes while suborning Blau’s perjury, Haaretz has demonstrated that leftist traitors have a powerful sponsor capable of exacting painful revenge on the State of Israel for daring to prosecute them.
In facilitating and supporting treason, Haaretz itself can depend on a massive network of supporters in Israel and internationally. Reporters, self-proclaimed human rights groups, and the leftist blogosphere in Israel and throughout the world as well as foreign governments happily swallow whole Haaretz’s manufactured stories about Israel’s purported venality.
As for the State of Israel, depressingly, what the Haaretz spy scandal demonstrates is that the state is utterly unwilling to deal with this dangerous state of affairs. Shin Bet Director Yuval Diskin stated that Israel will not change its screening process of candidates for military service. In the post-Kamm IDF, religious youths will continue to be grilled about their willingness to expel Jewish Israelis from their homes, and radical leftist youths will not be questioned about their loyalty to the state and willingness to keep the IDF’s secrets.
So, too, Diskin admitted that the Shin Bet was loath to aggressively pursue the investigation because its officers didn’t want to be accused of impinging on freedom of the press. Because he was a journalist, Blau was not seriously investigated and was let off the hook even as he lied to investigators. And the Shin Bet gave Haaretz the rope with which to hang it by requesting a gag order in order to give Blau more time to do the right thing – in spite of the fact that he had already demonstrated his bad faith and flagrant contempt for the law.
Ma’ariv and Globes both reported that thousands of Israelis canceled their subscriptions to Haaretz this week. Haaretz denied the reports. But really, it doesn’t care. Haaretz’s target audience is not Israeli. It is global. And there it remains the champion of those who seek an Israeli affirmation of their anti-Israel attitudes.
Categories: Editorials
byOur family moved to Haresha (can be spelled other ways…) after we were expelled from our home in Gush Katif of 13 years (Neve Dekalim).
Haresha was established in 1999 by a group of Merkaz Harav yeshiva students with the help of the Binyamin Local Council during the last days of Netanyahu’s first tenure as prime minister. Today the community numbers over 40 families. Haresha is situated in a most strategic location amongst the Dolev – Talmon cluster of communities in the Western part of the Benjamin hills. Haresha’s location atop a very high mountain overlooking the entire area deems it a crucial foothold for all the surrounding Jewish communities.
Following is my personal Recollection of the Expulsion from Gush Katif:
Oct. 15 2005 (TI) – It is now almost two months since the pogrom, although it has taken me until now to sit down and write about it. Actually, I haven’t been able to sit down and read or write anything lately. I seem to have developed a short attention span and inability to concentrate. I am afraid I will not remember everything – people have a tendency to forget things that are awful. What I seem to have disengaged from are my emotions. I feel as cool as a cucumber and suddenly I find myself bursting out into tears for no apparent reason.
Our personal tragedy is dwarfed beside the national tragedy that will go down in Jewish history as one of the darkest stains the Jewish people have seen. A cruel and truly wicked dictator managed, by undemocratic means, to make unprecedented cynical use of the Israeli security forces. Jewish soldiers aided the enemies of the Jewish nation from all times and exiled the Jewish People from part of its Holy Land, thus encouraging further terrorism and endangering the entire state of Israel. The damage is yet to be told…
The Day of Deportation, My Personal Story
Neve Dekalim , Israel , August 17th 2005 – The army announced that we would be permitted to attend tefillot [prayers] together at 11:00 am and that they wouldn’t start dragging people out until afterward. We hoped we could believe them, and we went with the kids to the Yemenite Synagogue where we once again poured out our tears and wrenching hearts to God, not knowing that His answer would eventually be “NO.” We returned home at about 1:00 pm with our hearts in our mouths.
Shortly afterward, “Shiri,” as she announced herself, came to the door. I looked through the peephole and saw the young brunette who had been sent to destroy our lives. I screamed at her and told her what I thought of her mission, and that it was her obligation to refuse such orders and that she should leave, which she did, although she returned about an hour later. We told Menachem to tell her that his parents were not home (although we were right next to him) and that she should go away. She came back several more times in the following hours, and each time Menachem told her that we were not home.
We were exhausted. We hadn’t slept the previous night, and we hadn’t slept well for a long time. Every time we would doze off for a few seconds, a knock on the door would pull us back into the nightmare. Some man dressed in an orange vest marked “Rabbi” came a few times to try and convince Menachem to open the door. I don’t think he actually was any sort of “Rabbi.” He believed Menachem that we were not home, and I was appalled that he stooped so low as to try and convince a young child to do something against his parents’ consent when he is home alone and frightened.
Somewhere between 5 and 6 pm “Shiri” returned with a great entourage There were at least 40 soldiers with her. They all wore those pathetic blue vests and caps with Israeli flags – just so we could be sure we knew who sent them. They told Menachem they were going to break the door down even though his parents were not home. He informed them that his 2-year-old little sister was standing near the door and that they could kill her by doing so, but this didn’t seem to bother them, nor the “fact” (which in fact, was a lie) that his parents (we) “were not home.” Obviously, we held 2-year-old Rachel away from the door, and as they started breaking in the door we moved into the kitchen, and locked the door behind us. Within about 20 minutes, there was a repeat performance with the door after a give and take between them and Menachem.
This time we moved into the girls’ bedroom and locked the door. After about a half hour they broke into that room too.
This is when our monologues began. Chananel and I poured our hearts (and words) out trying to make them see what a heinous crime they were partaking in, and they (as they were brainwashed to do) listened through us without saying a word. Shiri – the commanding deportation officer – asked us to board the bus, which was standing outside our house. We told her that we would not help them in any way and that we would not take any part in helping commit this crime
One by one, each of us and each of our five children were lifted by many soldiers and forced onto the bus, where there were more soldiers assigned to each passenger to make sure we wouldn’t run off. It had just turned dark. According to Jewish law, it was already the following day, the 13th of Av. Only a week later would I realize that it was Simcha’s birthday, which we would have spent together in our home as a festive event had we not been dragged off into the abyss.
The Bus Ride
The bus ride was a harrowing experience. Some of the men on the bus managed to kick out the windows and run. The soldiers ran after them, caught them, and brought them back to the bus. We were at complete standstills for hours at a time. The soldiers, who only moments earlier heartlessly dragged us out of our homes, suddenly became stewards and stewardesses – handing out mineral water and potato chips (and some sandwich that we wouldn’t eat anyway because the kashrut supervision was unclear) We would rather choke than take part in such a game. After we gave the children to drink we used the water to pour over the policemen who lined the streets on our way out. One of them got very angry at having been wet by the water I threw at him, and came up to the bus. I spit at him – even though I don’t think he deserved to have my spit. Just then I realized – I had forgotten! Our “illegal” guests, who we had hosted for the weeks preceding the expulsion, were hiding in our house! I quickly called them on their cell phones to make sure they weren’t found. It made me feel good to know that they were still there. I hoped and prayed that this entire nightmare would be over and that we would be able to turn around soon and go back home I said the travelers’ prayer – and recited the words “and return us to our homes in peace” – with lots of extra intent.
At around midnight we were dumped onto some street corner in Sderot. Did we find Yonatan Bassi [the head of the disengagement administration] handing out refreshments? Of course not. There was bedlam. Crying babies and children, dumbfounded adults, and no one knew who was to go where. Religious volunteers from Sderot organized a light dinner and some toys for the kids to play with until we would continue the next leg of our “journey.” They helped us carry the children, who were half asleep, as well as the few belongings we managed to take with us. About an hour and a half later, we found ourselves on a bus going to a hotel in Natzeret Ilit. We arrived at about 5:00 am
The Hotel
Did we find Yonatan Bassi at the hotel handing out refreshments? Of course not. There were a few good Jews who came out to help us with the kids and to do whatever they could. What on earth could they do???
Chananel and I were given a large room for all the kids and a room for us attached – with one mattress. This angered me so!! It was already morning – neither of us had slept for one minute on the bus (Rachel kicked and cried the entire way) and now – only one of us would be able to lie down. Someone brought us some shirts to give the girls to sleep in – we had no pajamas – and we all “conked out” for a few hours
When we got up – I took the kids to get some breakfast. The Arab who ran the dining hall said, “Breakfast is over.” I disregarded him and went and took whatever I could find and sat the kids on the floor in the hall and let them make a mess. Seeing all the Jews who were vacationing particularly troubled me. They were on their way to the swimming pool at the same time that the Jewish army was busy exiling the Jews from the holy land of Israel and from their homes. The little ones kept running into the elevator. I was sure that there was no way I could continue like this. I realized that geographically, I was so far away from where I needed to be. If we would receive permission to go back and pack up the house – how could we manage from so far away? How would we make such a long trip to the lawyer with the kids? We certainly couldn’t leave them alone there – not even with a babysitter. They probably would think they would never see us again, in the same way that they were told that they would never go back home again!!
The Klavans
Yossi Klavan (formerly of Teaneck , NJ ) was one of the first people I spoke with, not because I had the wherewithal to call anybody, but because he was persistent in calling me to find out what was going on. As soon as he knew where I was, he came to get us. He took a week off work to chauffeur us to anywhere we needed, and Leba, who had recently given birth, watched the kids and even took them to the pool a few times We really didn’t know where to start getting ourselves together. Yossi was very helpful. He suggested we shut the phone and electric line – which we hadn’t thought of, and he started helping us work on getting permission to go into Gush Katif, and pack up the house – which we had left untouched. All the while we continued to hope and pray that the nightmare would soon be over and that we would be able to go back home, but we started to understand that this would probably not be the case.
A few days later, Chananel was allowed to join a group that went into Gush Katif to pack. I was not allowed on the bus, as the strict orders prescribed that only one member per household could enter After a long and dragged out journey, Chananel arrived in Neve Dekalim, and was given 30 boxes. He was let off in the Neve Dekalim industrial zone with no car. He was informed that the truck was to arrive in about two hours. How can anyone pack an entire house in 30 boxes and in two hours?!?!?
Chananel walked home and cried. He called me on our phone (which hadn’t been shut off). The whole house was standing and intact. The whole predicament was surreal. He was unable to pack. Yossi and I tried to find out how we could get some soldiers to go help. I spoke to MK Benny Elon and pleaded with him to find some way for the order to be given! There were tens of thousands of soldiers there! Why hadn’t they been going from house to house to help pack?? Benny Elon explained that this was no mistake. He told me that they want to thoroughly break us. They want us to scramble around like Jews in Europe who were told to “quickly pack one bag.” Then they could have some reporters come and photograph a few soldiers “helping the settlers pack,” as if this were the norm.
Brimo
Yossi spoke to the moving company. We asked them to postpone the move until the following day. He explained that we needed to bring in some people to pack. The mover told us we would have to get the OK from Brimo and accidentally gave us Brimo’s number – something he apparently was not supposed to give out. We had no idea who Brimo was, but we later would find out that he was working for the Defense Ministry and in charge of allowing or not allowing certain moving companies to enter Gush Katif. We surmised that only those companies who gave him a nice “cut” were allowed in, which explained the outrageous price that was being asked for us to pay. Brimo is probably a good friend of the Sharon mafia.
Yossi has a way with words – even with Brimo! I don’t know how, but he managed to get Brimo to agree to us going into Gush Katif the following day to pack. We were instructed as to where to go to get the permission slip. It seemed too good to be true? Where was the catch? Brimo screamed at Yossi and made it amply clear that if he dared have any orange ribbons or stickers on his car or on his body he would have him arrested as he had done to someone in orange the previous day. He specified that he would not tolerate a sticker that said “Am Yisrael Chai?!” As appalling as this all was, Yossi kept his cool and kept sweet-talking. Yossi arranged for us to go early the following morning, and Leba would baby-sit for my kids all day. Chananel decided to stay home in Neve Dekalim – this was illegal – until the next day when he would pack with us. Yossi’s boys went all over to find as many boxes as they could. My parents did so as well. Yossi arranged to go in two cars – his and Steve Leavitt’s. We first had to go see Brimo…
We arrived at the “Brimo headquarters” a few minutes before 8 a .m.- a few minutes before they had their act together – a few minutes before they closed the gate – a few minutes before they had the chance to not let us in. We had tons of divine assistance all along the way. They had no intention of us arriving to get permission to enter after all. We were yelled at by everyone who saw us, including Brimo himself: “WHO LET YOU IN HERE?!?!?” Since we were there already, and since no busses were being allowed into Gush Katif that day – Brimo did an “act of kindness” so he could feel good about himself for the next year and he kept his word and allowed us in. He gave us a slip of paper and entered us into the computer that showed we had permission to go in.
We were told to stay in a Defense Ministry convoy that was going into Gush Katif, which we did, even though they were driving so slowly that we could have probably walked faster. Just as we arrived at the Kissufim checkpoint, a particularly hotheaded (and bloodthirsty) police officer violently stopped us and forced us to leave the convoy. He would not listen to what we had to say, and refused to look at our permission slip. He also refused to ask the army officer in the car ahead of us as I pleaded that he do about our being part of the convoy. He was gonna have some FUN!!! Just as he was about to beat the living daylights out of Yossi, the army officer from the car ahead of us miraculously came to our rescue and said we were with them – leaving the poor policeman to having to wait for a different Jew-boy to have his fun with.
Packing
When we arrived at the gate of Neve Dekalim, we had to wait almost a half hour until we were allowed in. Shortly afterwards, I was back home. I went into the boys’ room and burst out into tears. Everyone started working immediately. I bothered them, and was of no help whatsoever. Yossi, who had never done anything like this in his life, took apart all my closets with Steve and his friend. (I forgot his name). Shabie from Ginot Shomron worked like a stick of energy almost non-stop. They packed everything in about 11 hours. Everything – and I really mean everything! Even the windows, doors, and light bulbs! I was soon to find out that I would be ripped off by the moving company big time – about NIS 23,000 worth of rip-off. I would also learn later that others who used this company had found their belongings ruined, stolen or vandalized. I still have no idea what condition my things are in – wherever they may be.
Back to Yossi’s House
Yossi and Leba continued to take us wherever we needed to go – to the lawyer in Tel Aviv, to buying sandals for the boys, shirts for Chananel, developing our photographs of what we managed to take during the eviction Yossi even took us to visit Chananel’s great aunt in Ramat Hasharon. We really had no idea where we were headed, though.
I got in touch with Rabbi Yom Tov Zilberman – who runs the main branch of the schools that the boys were going to, which we had been so pleased with, and asked him to tell me which places would be appropriate for the boys to continue in. He asked me which area we were interested in. I knew that at this time I could only see myself continuing the battle over the land of Israel . I would not let some wicked fat man dictate to me where I can go in my own land. We are the antithesis of this despicable anti-Jewish government. They will do anything for a buck. They will sell their souls and everything that is holy for money. We, on the other hand are willing to lose everything for what we believe in. After we spoke with Rabbi Zilberman, I began arranging visits to our new prospective homes – Hebron , Beit El, and Gush Dolev-Talmonim. Yossi was very helpful with this too, as he knows people everywhere, and was very instrumental in getting me in touch with the right people.
The Schlep
We began schlepping the kids on a long journey and we didn’t know when it would end. We used my parents’ house in Beit Shemesh as our base and went from there to Hebron , Jerusalem , Beit El, and Gush Talmonim. We slept in many different places and wasted a ton of money on transportation. At one point, my cousin Atara from Beit Shemesh came and insisted we borrow her car. I was very uneasy about the whole thing, but she was persistent. Without this great help I can’t imagine how we ever would have been able to get ourselves together so quickly.
Haresha
After having seen the different schools (the kids participated in classes in Hebron and in Beit El) we decided that the school in Neriya would be most appropriate for the boys. We also found a good school for Simcha in Dolev (these places are in Gush Dolev-Talmonim). We had made up our minds about the general area we wanted to be in based on the children’s education, but we still had nowhere to live and no job.
After having seen the area, our hearts pulled us in the direction of Haresha – a small community of 30 families on a hilltop near the boys’ school (five minutes). Unfortunately, the Israeli government does not recognize the existence of this place – although the army does. It is the most vital strategic asset the army has in the area, as it is 900 meters high and overlooks the entire area, including Ramallah. I wouldn’t want to know what catastrophe could happen, God forbid, if Haresha got into the wrong hands.
Most of the homes in Haresha are trailers (caravans). They range from 45 to 90 sq. meters. It is not very easy to live in such conditions, but the people in Haresha are worth sacrificing some earthly comforts. We decided that we would like to live in Haresha and we requested a caravan. We had no time for bureaucracy. I explained to the absorption committee that I wanted my kids in school the next day on time like every other normal kid in the country. I also explained that if they could not arrange a caravan yet, that I had been planning on sleeping on the grass. After this meeting I took the kids to the neighboring town (Kiryat Sefer – about 20 minutes away) to get dinner. There, we received a call from the absorption committee of Haresha announcing that they had a meeting and that we were accepted to their community. They also said that there was an empty 60-meter caravan available for us. We were happy. I asked if they could arrange to have some mattresses in it for us and they said they would. When we arrived, we found that they not only had cleaned the place from top to bottom, but that they had set up beds for all of us with sheets, pillows, towels, and blankets, as well as a table and chairs, shelves, a stovetop, a microwave, a toaster oven, some food, and even a refrigerator (that was borrowed from the kindergarten, the rest was from our neighboring families). They got us a new set of dishes and ritually immersed them! They set up books and toys for the kids and a tape recorder with some tapes. They even put toothpaste, soap and shampoo in the bathroom!
For two days, meals were prepared by our neighbors and sent to us. Our neighbors continue to take care of our laundry until now. Haresha has a very nice kindergarten and beautifully run daycare facility for the little ones, and there is a very nice kollel for Chananel at the foot of the mountain (less than a five-minute drive).
We don’t have anywhere to bring our stuff to yet (if it still exists) but we are still working on it. We might be able to rent another caravan to put the stuff into. In the meantime, we are being charged NIS 2,000 a month for what they call storage.
I haven’t found a job yet, but I am hopeful about next year. Schools don’t leave themselves “high and dry” for an English teacher waiting for a cruel dictator to evict Jews from their homes, thus creating a deportee who is an English teacher who will come live in their area and want to start working.
I am trying to collect unemployment, although the bureaucracy I have to go through is endless, and I recently found out that the amount of money that is paid is barely enough to starve on. Chananel also cannot find a job before next September, which puts us in a very difficult situation. We have no source of income, and therefore we have not paid the kids’ tuition, nor our rent, utilities, or anything else. We have not seen one dime from the government even though we have filled out all the forms they asked us to via a lawyer. If the government had spent a fraction of the money they spent lying and claiming that we were all compensated on actually compensating us, we would all be millionaires. Their cruelty and wickedness truly has no bounds.
Today I have a half time teaching job. We still have not found enough employment since the expulsion, and we are still living in a caravan.
The families were originally all housed in caravans. After some years the Housing Ministry began developing the permanent infrustructure for the yishuv, including laying the groundwork for permanent housing. The investment of the Housing Ministry was supplemented by the support of other governmental offices and ministries, including the Defense Ministry, who appreciated Haraisha’s strategic importance overlooking Ramallah to the south and east and all of Gush Dan to the west.
Once the Housing Ministry had laid the groundwork for the permanent housing, the families invested their private funds to build their homes. Like almost everywhere in the country where ownership of land is not private, the final permits weren’t obtained before construction began. As is typical throughout Israel , the eight houses were built with the expectation that the final permits would be granted at the end of the long bureaucratic process. As is also typical, the Civil Administration automatically issued destruction orders on the buildings, which are then retroactively cancelled once the approval process is completed.
Peace Now discovered this technicality and turned it into a weapon in its war against the Jewish presence in Judea and Samaria . It initiated a continual and ongoing campaign to have the “illegal dwellings” throughout Judea and Samaria destroyed. And it found an eager and willing partner in the Israeli Supreme Court. About four years ago, Peace Now filed a petition to force the state to execute the destruction orders pending on the permanent houses in Haraisha. The State responded to Peace Now’s appeal with weak equivocation. True, it asserted, the houses are illegal, but it isn’t high on the State’s list of priorities to destroy them for many and varied reasons. . . . It was the same answer that the State gave to Haraisha’s identical appeal against illegal Arab building in the neighboring village.
And wonder of wonders, the Supreme Court accepted the State’s position regarding the Arab building, but not the Jewish building. On July 7, 2009, the Supreme Court issued a precedential decision to intervene in the State’s manangment of state-owned lands by ordering it to set a time for the evacuation of the families and the destruction of their homes within four months.
The decision’s blatant discrimination in favor of Arab defendants and against Jewish ones is yet another stone in the long road the Supreme Court and its Leftist collaborators have paved leading the State along their preferred political path against the will of the people and their elected representatives.
There is a simple solution that would frustrate the fond wishes of Peace Now: the signature of the Defense Minister as the final remaining step in the long approval process for the yishuv. This is a simple procedural step since the land on which the yishuv is built is “adamot sekker”, ‘surveyed’ land that becomes state land when there are no private claimants to ownership. The land upon which Haraisha sits is indeed uncontested. Unfortunately, Defense Minister Ehud Barak shares the goals of Peace Now and is unwilling to affix his signature due to political considerations.
Ma Nishtana?
How is this struggle different from other struggles? The nationalist public has become very familiar with this drama and its unchanging cast of characters: the vicious and dishonest leftist organizations, the hostile and hypocritical Supreme Court, the dissembling government issuing its doublespeak, the hostile and hypocritical media, and the embattled and noble settlers The public has also grown weary of the spectacle: because the ending doesn’t vary, it has started to seem like the characters are just going through the motions. Once again, the weak are overcome by the mighty because everyone realizes – especially after Gush Katif – that this is a battle that can’t be won. So the settlers are put in their place by the establishment, but leave the field vowing to fight another day – a cry that rings more and more hollow as the days pass.
Here in Haraisha, we are not weary We are not shrugging our shoulders and saying, ‘well, what do you expect from the Supreme Court?’ We recognize that the cooperative venture between Peace Now and the Supreme Court will turn into a stealth “disengagement” if left unchallenged and unchecked. We recognize that the small fissure made by the Supreme Court’s decision will turn into a wide canyon through which the heavy bulldozers will roll to dismantle settlement after settlement. We are treating our houses as the House of Israel, Beit Yisrael, and our struggle as the struggle of the Jewish People’s right to their homeland.
Every single member of Haraisha is committed to wage this battle with total determination. We are well organized and we are serious. We will not back down, we will not make deals, and we will not compromise since we will not be on the defensive. While we will use all the tools at our disposal, including traditional lobbying and political pressure tactics, our strategy will be different.
Haraisha has joined hands with the Regavim organization to attack the problem at its root: the hijacking of the Israeli justice system to serve the ends of the Far Left political elite, effectively bypassing the democractic process.
Though the financial cost is onerous (a mere pittance for Peace Now but a staggering sum for us), we intend to file petition after petition demanding that the Supreme Court treat illegal Arab building the same way as “illegal Jewish building.” (In truth, the two are not the same as the Arabs rarely take steps to comply with the law, whereas the Jews do everything in their power to comply.) While the Supreme Court and the media can sweep one or two such cases under the carpet, if the double standard becomes too flagrant and too stark and too public, the matter will come to a head. The Court will either have to stop playing ball with Peace Now or it will lose so much of its legitimacy that the government will be forced to step in and act.
For our legal strategy to be effective, we will need to inform the public about our campaign and to arouse their active support. To this end, we will and are employing traditional lobbying and public relations tactics.
Unfortunately, the legal battle against the Second, but Silent Expulsion has not yet ended, although Haresha is hopeful for a positive outcome in the near future.
We Need Your Help
1. By being politically active – Anyone with access to people with political influence can help by contacting those people on behalf of Haraisha.
2. Creating a public storm – Pass on the word in whatever way you can: by contacting the media, spreading the message on email lists and internet forums, etc. Even a simple conversation with the people you come in contact with on a daily basis can make a big impact in unexpected ways. Also, please participate in the public events that we will be holding. The perception of widespread public support for our cause has a big influence on politicians.
3. Fundraising – Please contribute to this cause that is the cause of all of us. Ask your families and friends to contribute. If you know of philanthropists who might be willing to help us, please pass on their names. The legal war that we’re embarking on entails significant sums.
4. Share your ideas with us – If you have new ideas or a different angle on how to conduct this struggle, we are happy to hear from you. www.haresha.org
Categories: Israel
From einshalom.com
I asked a friend, Zimra, who lives in Haresha, what’s happening there? What’s the status of the court decision about whether their homes will be demolished or not? Zimra lived in Gush Katif, in Neve Dekalim before the expulsion in 2005. She and her family moved to Haresha after that. Below Zimra’s letter is an article from the Haresha website giving an explanation of the background of the town, and the nature of the battle it faces, as well as contact information for any person of good conscience who would like to help. If Haresha were all that were at stake it would be enough to get excited over, but the battle for Haresha is the battle for all of the towns in Judea and Samaria and eventually, all of Israel.
Here is Zimra’s letter about how it is in Haresha right now.
Regarding the hearing in the Supreme Court – Praklitut hamedina [state attorney] just never showed up on the 28th – then, miraculously, on Tuesday, the court officially announced that they can answer until THE END OF JANUARY – which gives us another month.
What we found disturbing was that the State did not just come out and say that we are in the retroactive authorization process – as they did in Netiv HaAvot (about 2 months ago). What is their reason for stalling? We do not know what to make of it. Do you have any connections in misrad rosh hamamshala [prime minister's office] who can help us find out what the ?!@#$?? is going on???
The ironic thing here is that on one hand, Haresha’s homes are under serious threat of being destroyed and serving as a legal precedent for thousands more homes in Yehuda and Shomron – basically this is disengagement #2.
On the other hand – davka [paradoxically] now there is great potential for Haresha to grow. If the state actually does go through with the authorization we will finally be able to build here.
There are hosts of other problems that could disappear too such as discounts in the Day Care, school buses, and much more because ever since Shalom Achshav [Peace Now] turned us into an “illegal” settlement, we no longer are entitled to all sorts of funds that every other yeshuv has – busing our children to school is a real problem because we do not really exist…
Also, we are in dire need of another building for the Day Care, and Misrad Hatamat [health department] refuses to give our maon [building] a “semel” [certificate] under crowded conditions, but we are forbidden to build not only because of the freeze, but also because even our own regional council will not help until the legal issues “clear up” – please Gd… – this is also, of course, without mentioning that we cannot fund the structure to begin with… so the families are not able to get the standard discounts that every other citizen in this country gets, and a few of the women here have just had to leave their jobs because they could not afford the maon…
Also, families that are living in very crowded conditions (I live here in a caravan too) would finally be able to build a home. I would love so much to build a home here in Haresha, but how could I when I know there are chances of it being mowed down??? Been there. Done that. It is just too hard for me to do again after having gone through that once already in Neve Dekalim, although I wish I had the strength to do it…
We are trying to bring Eli Yishai to Haresha. We have had quite a few ministers and MKs here, but we still do not know how instrumental they will be in helping.
The Battle Against the Silent Expulsion
Background
Haresha was established in 5749 (1999) during the last days of Netanyahu’s first tenure as prime minister. With the help of the Binyamin Local Council under the leadership of Pinchas Wallerstein and his successor Avi Roeh as well as residents of the nearby yishuvim of Talmon and Neria under the leadership of Rav Daniel Hershkovitz, the initial garin of Mercaz HaRav graduates struck roots. Today the community numbers over 40 families.
The families were originally housed in caravans. After some years the Housing Ministry began developing the permanent infrastructure for the yishuv, including laying the groundwork for permanent housing. The investment of the Housing Ministry was supplemented by the support of other governmental offices and ministries, including the Defense Ministry, who appreciated Haresha’s strategic importance overlooking Ramallah to the south and east and all of Gush Dan to the west.
Once the Housing Ministry had laid the groundwork for the permanent housing, the families invested their private funds to build their homes. Like almost everywhere in the country where ownership of land is not private, the final permits weren’t obtained before construction began. As is typical throughout Israel, the eight houses were built with the expectation that the final permits would be granted at the end of the long bureaucratic process. As is also typical, the Civil Administration automatically issued destruction orders on the buildings, which are then retroactively cancelled once the approval process is completed.
Peace Now Gets Involved
Peace Now discovered this technicality and turned it into a weapon in its war against the Jewish presence in Judea and Samaria. It initiated a continual and ongoing campaign to have the “illegal dwellings” throughout Judea and Samaria destroyed. And it found an eager and willing partner in the Israeli Supreme Court. About four years ago, Peace Now filed a petition to force the state to execute the destruction orders pending on the permanent houses in Haresha. The State responded to Peace Now’s appeal with weak equivocation. True, it asserted, the houses are illegal, but it isn’t high on the State’s list of priorities to destroy them for many and varied reasons. . . . It was the same answer that the State gave to Haresha’s identical appeal against illegal Arab building in the neighboring village.
And wonder of wonders, the Supreme Court accepted the State’s position regarding the Arab building, but not the Jewish building. On July 7, 2009, the Supreme Court issued a precedential decision to intervene in the State’s management of state-owned lands by ordering it to set a time for the evacuation of the families and the destruction of their homes within four months.
The decision’s blatant discrimination in favor of Arab defendants and against Jewish ones is yet another stone in the long road the Supreme Court and its Leftist collaborators have paved leading the State along their preferred political path against the will of the people and their elected representatives.
A Simple Solution
There is a simple solution that would frustrate the fond wishes of Peace Now: the signature of the Defense Minister as the final remaining step in the long approval process for the yishuv. This is a simple procedural step since the land on which the yishuv is built is “adamot sekker”, ‘surveyed’ land that becomes state land when there are no private claimants to ownership. The land upon which Haresha sits is indeed uncontested. Unfortunately, Defense Minister Ehud Barak shares the goals of Peace Now and is unwilling to affix his signature due to political considerations.
Ma Nishtana?
How is this struggle different from other struggles? The nationalist public has become very familiar with this drama and its unchanging cast of characters: the vicious and dishonest leftist organizations, the hostile and hypocritical Supreme Court, the dissembling government issuing its doublespeak, the hostile and hypocritical media, and the embattled and noble settlers. The public has also grown weary of the spectacle: because the ending doesn’t vary, it has started to seem like the characters are just going through the motions. Once again, the weak are overcome by the mighty because everyone realizes – especially after Gush Katif – that this is a battle that can’t be won. So the settlers are put in their place by the establishment, but leave the field vowing to fight another day – a cry that rings more and more hollow as the days pass.
Here in Haresha, we are not weary. We are not shrugging our shoulders and saying, ‘well, what do you expect from the Supreme Court?’ We recognize that the cooperative venture between Peace Now and the Supreme Court will turn into a stealth “disengagement” if left unchallenged and unchecked. We recognize that the small fissure made by the Supreme Court’s decision will turn into a wide canyon through which the heavy bulldozers will roll to dismantle settlement after settlement. We are treating our houses as the House of Israel, Beit Yisrael, and our struggle as the struggle of the Jewish People’s right to their homeland.
Every single member of Haresha is committed to wage this battle with total determination. We are well organized and we are serious. We will not back down, we will not make deals, and we will not compromise since we will not be on the defensive. While we will use all the tools at our disposal, including traditional lobbying and political pressure tactics, our strategy will be different.
Preventing the Destruction by Attacking the Root Cause
Haresha has joined hands with the Regavim organization to attack the problem at its root: the hijacking of the Israeli justice system to serve the ends of the Far Left political elite, effectively bypassing the democratic process.
Though the financial cost is onerous (a mere pittance for Peace Now but a staggering sum for us), we intend to file petition after petition demanding that the Supreme Court treat illegal Arab building the same way as “illegal Jewish building.” (In truth, the two are not the same as the Arabs rarely take steps to comply with the law, whereas the Jews do everything in their power to comply.) While the Supreme Court and the media can sweep one or two such cases under the carpet, if the double standard becomes too flagrant and too stark and too public, the matter will come to a head. The Court will either have to stop playing ball with Peace Now or it will lose so much of its legitimacy that the government will be forced to step in and act.
For our legal strategy to be effective, we will need to inform the public about our campaign and to arouse their active support. To this end, we will and are employing traditional lobbying and public relations tactics.
We Need Your Help1. By being politically active – Anyone with access to people with political influence can help by contacting those people on behalf of Haresha.
2. Creating a public storm – Pass on the word in whatever way you can: by contacting the media, spreading the message on email lists and internet forums, etc. Even a simple conversation with the people you come in contact with on a daily basis can make a big impact in unexpected ways. Also, please participate in the public events that we will be holding. The perception of widespread public support for our cause has a big influence on politicians.
3. Fundraising – Please contribute to this cause that is the cause of all of us. Ask your families and friends to contribute. If you know of philanthropists who might be willing to help us, please pass on their names. The legal war that we’re embarking on entails significant sums.
4. Share your ideas with us – If you have new ideas or a different angle on how to conduct this struggle, we are happy to hear from you.Aloh na’aleh . . . ki yachol nuchal la.
With G-d’s help – and united – we can do this!
The Residents of Haresha
For Contributions, call 054 6235818
To contact the Residents’ Committee: El-Ad 052 6071277 Nachum 052 8119726
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